|
Volume XV (2004)
Book Review: Slave Traffic in the Age of Abolition:
Puerto Rico, West Africa and non-Hispanic Caribbeans, 1815–1859
A.B. Assensoh and Y.M. Alex-Assensoh
Department of African
American & African Diaspora Studies, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN
47405
Dorsey, Joseph C. Slave Traffic in the Age of Abolition: Puerto
Rico, West Africa, and Non-Hispanic Caribbeans, 1815-1859.
Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003. 311pp. $59.95 (cloth).
As an expert and college-level teacher of Caribbean, African and African
American studies, Professor Joseph C. Dorsey has unlimited expertise to
delve into the comparative study of the continuing slave trafficking in
the age of abolition. As underscored eloquently, his 311-page book
emanates from his "interest in the history of the Spanish seaborne
empire and the variety of syncretic cultures deriving from it"
(preface). His very useful study spans almost half a century,
specifically between 1815 and 1859.
Any scholar, who is
familiar with the story of the Amistad slave ship (which became an
international spectacle in slave studies, also during the period of
abolition) would agree with Dorsey’s prompt and exciting description of
Havana’s international reputation in the 17th and 18th centuries,
especially about the colorful and lucrative excitement of the city’s
urban decadence and, in the words of Abbe Raynal, as "the boulevard of
the New World." Additionally, it is very important to note that, as far
back as the 1700s and 1800s, Cuba was held in much significance, as
compared to Puerto Rico that, as Dorsey pointed out, "played second
fiddle to Cuba throughout the nineteenth century."
Continuing slave
trafficking, in the age of the trade’s abolition, brings what Dorsey
pursues in his book into the realm of illegal commerce; as Dorsey cites,
with gratitude, the Puerto Rico version is well covered in its legal and
illegal commerce terms in Arturo Morales Carrion’s seminal work, Puerto
Rico and the Non-Hispanic Caribbean (1952). Although Dorsey’s excellent
work has slavery as its main thesis, it is very significant to point out
here that it dwells a lot more on "the structures of its form as an
illegal traffic and less on the structures of its content as a legal
institution" (p. xii).
To make sure that his
book creeps out of its original California dissertation mode, Dorsey
brilliantly removed varied typical or specific thesis norms and
requirements, which earlier included case studies of respective slaves.
Instead, he dwells on several fundamental issues about un-researched (or
unexplored) Puerto Rican involvement in the illegal trafficking of
slaves, work that should benefit the teeming students and scholars of
both history and culture of mainstream Caribbean, African and Latin
American studies.
The introduction to the
study (pp. 1-20), which deals with approaches, directions and concerns,
begins with an eloquent quote from the introduction to Herbert Klen’s
Middle Passage. Invariably, Dorsey utilizes the three parts (Parts
I-III) of nine chapters of his work to provide his readers with what he
describes as a "miscellany of themes that center on the clandestine
slave trade to Puerto Rico." In the publication, he further examines
"the extent to which forces of doubt, disunity, and incoherence served a
single branch of an outlawed enterprise described then and now as small"
(p. 1).
Part I is a sub-title,
"Strategies and Strategems", under which Dorsey discusses the colony’s
obscurity; early Anglo-Spanish diplomacy"; and "Friendly Fire, Enemy
Fire..". Part II deals with "New Routes, Old remedies," whereby Dorsey
discusses French, Dutch and Danish presence and how African rivers
became the structures for the transportation of the illegal cargo; Part
III, sub-titled "Mare Liberum," provides readers and researchers with
occurrences from the South Atlantic East; South Atlantic West, coupled
with the Inter-Caribbean influs of 1847. The epilogue (with a French
sub-title) is "Cette Fin Qui N’en Est Pas Une" (pp. 210-219), which sums
up Dorsey’s scholarly contentions, including the assertion that "Puerto
Rico was a small Spanish colony with a nucleus of planter and
non-planter elites who continued to buy slaves and consume their labor
in an age that heralded the end of slavery" (p. 210).
In dealing with the
illegal slave commerce between 1815 and 1859, Dorsey unambiguously
pinpoints the fact that the illegal Puerto Rican slave trade had a
different cloak between 1817 and 1859, whereby it operated in the shadow
of larger and wealthier competitors, adding that, despite several
patterns of European occupation, settlement, and exploitation in the
Caribbean, "slave labor and sugar production shaped the same colonial
discourse" (Introduction). Slave trading existed for over 300 years in
these areas but, as Dorsey documents, legal cessation marked the end of
pertinent government documentation and bureaucratic minutiae. Yet, the
study is about the Puerto Rican slave trade "from the
internationalization of the anti-slave campaign in 1815 to the arrival
of the island’s last slave ship in 1859," (p.3). According to Dorsey,
the shift from legal to illegal slave trading in human cargo "rendered
the 1820s a period of trial and error" (p. 3).
Divided into periods, the
book offers readers and researchers (including teachers) varied
scenarios and paradoxes, although in the end Dorsey would make it clear
that such work "is more than a study of paradox" (p. 219). For example,
apart form the active illegal trading between 1815 and 1830, Dorsey
explains that between the period of 1834 and 1840, Britain protested
against the export of newly emancipated English slaves to Spanish
dominions. There was a second period (1840–44), which was fraught with
internal uncertainty, although the discovery of English slaves, by Great
Britain, in Puerto Rico, embarrassed and angered the Spanish government
in Spain.
In the midst of its
embarrassment, it is significant that Dorsey takes the time to provide
his readers with an excellent discussion of how the period was
characterized by slave revolts and conspiracies in Cuba and Puerto Rico;
in 1848, an abolitionist governor was appointed for Puerto Rico to show
that Madrid was serious about the abolition of slavery. Apart from the
extensive volume of information that scholars of Latin American and
Caribbean studies gain from Slaver Traffic in the Age of Abolition, the
publication that has a lot to offer scholars of African studies. As the
epilogue confirms, West Africa was a great source of the illegal human
cargo that was exported after abolition laws were put in place; in terms
of the sources of the slaves, Dorsey clearly pointed out, inter alia:
It is certain, nonetheless, that the majority of captives who landed
on Puerto Rico shores came from the interiors of Upper Guinea in
present-day Guinea-Conakry, Sierra Leone, and Liberia. While many were
polytheists from small states, accephalous societies, and client
polities not far [from] the coast—such as the Pongo Susu and the Ganga
of Sierra Leone and Liberia—some, such as the Fula and the Manding[o],
were Muslims from larger and often newly centralized states between
Futa Jallon and the Sahel at the Niger Bend…(p. 211).
Above all, several mitigating factors would help diminish the slave
trading in of the period. Dorsey explains also that "fluctuations in the
Puerto Rican slave trade were not centered on Euro-American politics
alone" (p. 211). He further underscored that social, political, and
economic forces or factors endemic to West African affairs did
contribute to what he saw as the dictates of the traffic. Toward the
end, Dorsey sought to provide lucid and beneficial answers to some of
the cogent queries about the limited numbers of Senegalese and Gold
Coast nationals as part of the slaves being sent to Puerto Rico; and the
extent of Spanish involvement. In the end, relations were predicated on
anti-slave trade treaties between Great Britain and Spain, all of which,
in Dorsey’s estimation, "constituted a series of unending maneuvers
between diplomatic rupture and repair" (p. 212). Above all, Dorsey made
it clear that international abolitionism was, indeed, not a monolithic
crusade, and that its movement was fractured at the internal level.
In providing additional
details about earlier British and Puerto Rican relations, Dorsey
narrates details about how, on 16 June 1598, George Clifford, who has
been knighted as the third earl of Cumberland, attached Puerto Rico and
controlled it for two months. Also, the Dutch and the French had coveted
the island in aggressive terms. In the midst of the abolitionist fervor,
Puerto Rican economic fortunes were fading, hence in January 1852,
Mayaguez customs chief Blas Ginart gave an 18-point plan to
Spain-appointed interim governor Enrique Espana Taberner to reverse
Puerto Rico’s troubled economy. Instead, he expected his replacement to
be an official, who would "endorse the revival of African slave
commerce," as the seventh recommendation had asked for (p. 217).
Dorsey, above all, shows
how abolitionism became associated with such various 18th century
buzzwords as enlightenment, benevolent despotism, anti-clericism,
revolution, progress and several others; also, that the Age of Abolition
functioned as a conductor for new ideas and practices. To help speed up
the emancipation (or freedom) of Africans kept against their will, in
the midst of abolitionism, Dorsey shows how, as "recently" as in August
1862—and less than five decades from the dawn of the 20th century —23
Africans signed a letter to be sent to the British imperial capital
(London) seeking relief and freedom, the tail-end of which, inter alia,
read: "We also wish your Excellency to send us away as soon as possible,
and we shall ever remember this service and pray that God may preserve
you many years" (p. 218).
According to Dorsey, in
the end, "many Africans in Cuba and Brazil returned to the African
continent," and that some of them did also reach their homelands or
lands nearby, while a vast majority remained, including the 23 Puerto
Ricobased writers of the petition. One wonders if racism played any role
in the fact that, although the British Royal Navy, Foreign Office and
even the Spanish colonial administration facilitated measures for these
Blacks to return their native homes, Foreign Minister Russell "declined
to act on this request, despite Cowper’s urgent recommendations" (p.
219). In Dorsey’s very astute and brilliant conclusions, the history of
slave commerce in the Age of Abolition is more than (I) the study of
false constructions of human biology of inherent deceptions as well as
race-based ideologies that are protected by the forces of politics and
society; and (ii) paradoxes. To understand it better and in clearer
terms, it is worth perusing Dorsey’s study.
Volume XV |